With this post I hope to re-ignite my discussions about the Flemish involvement with the American Pilgrims. For those unfamiliar with those postings #1, #2, #3, #4, #5, and #6, can be accessed by clicking on the relevant #. In that sense, this might be viewed as #7 of the “Flemish Influence on the American Pilgrims” series.

Permit me then, Gentle Reader, to offer you evidence of the involvement of the Flemish in the establishment of the W.I.C. Obliquely, I will also illustrate through this the West-Indische Compagnie’s importance to the discovery and settlement of America. 

Background 

While the W.I.C. was chartered in 1621, its origins stretch back half a century to a place broadly called “The Low Countries” (Flanders and the Netherlands) and to the time of the Protestant Reformation.[i] To understand the story of the W.I.C. we need to recap the historical context.[ii]

The roots of the West India Company began amidst the confusion of civil disorder and religious strife. In 1566 a revolt broke out in a village in western Flanders.[iii] It began with Dutch-speaking Protestant youth smashing statuary, burning Roman Catholic missals, and roughing up clergy.[iv] It spread east and north throughout the Low Countries: a volatile mix of hooliganism[v], Calvinism and nationalism.[vi]

Since the sovereign ruler of what we now know as Benelux and northern France was the Spanish king, Phillip II, it was inevitable that Spanish troops were ultimately brought in to restore order. While initially successful, the presence of a foreign standing army, the imposition of additional taxes to absorb the cost, and the underlying friction between counter-reformation Catholics and hard-core Calvinists doomed the region to almost exactly 80 years (1567-1648) of ruthless warfare.[vii]

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For the first thirty or so years (i.e., until the 1590s) the Dutch-speaking Protestants had the worst of it. At least 175,000 fled the rich cities of Flanders.[viii] Some went to Protestant port cities (like Rouen and La Rochelle) in France; many more onto Reformation England and Protestant Germany (especially Cologne).[ix] Many exiles likely viewed their departure as a temporary measure.

Of course not every Calvinist, Lutheran and Anabaptist left Flanders at this time. Many went underground and outwardly accepted Catholic practices while secretly professing something else.[x] For those who remained behind, external funding (from Protestant rulers and the Dutch-speaking diaspora)[xi] and a steady stream of illicit returnees enabled them to continue as fighters. These men first launched guerilla-style raids on the Flemish coast (from piratical lairs across the Channel in England) and ultimately seized control of coastal enclaves.[xii] As Dutch-speaking territory was liberated from Spanish control, Flemish Calvinists in England and Germany followed the military advance by resettling in these more familiar environments.[xiii]

The overseas Flemings, many of whom were hardened by Calvinist conviction[xiv], privation, and certainly exile, were not content to remain in “liberated” cities like Amsterdam, Haarlem, Leiden, and Middleburg.[xv] Rather, they were impatient to reclaim their lost homes in the South Netherlands (modern-day Belgium and northern France). Moreover, because of their unwavering belief in the justness of their cause, this war assumed the status of what today we might call a “jihad”. Any opposition posed to the Flemish Calvinists’ objectives was perceived as resistance to God’s Will. As a prominent Dutch historian remarked, “The value of Calvin’s teaching in the Low Countries, among a population long unhappy under foreign domination, lay in the fact that it sanctioned all human action.”[xvi]

The Role of Antwerp 

At the center of many of these historical developments was the city of Antwerp.[xvii] “Antwerp was truly the leading [European] city in almost all things [in the 1500s], but in commerce it headed all the cities of the world,” as the Italian contemporary historian (and 16^th century Antwerp resident) Gucciardini observed.[xviii] Antwerp was the center of the printing industry[xix] and was also the most important bourse and capital market in Europe (and thus the world at that time).[xx] It was here that everything from West African gold to North American beaver pelts, from spices from the East to copper from Hungary and textiles from Flanders was brought to market. In short, “Antwerp’s economy was an important, and sometimes even the principal, artery of the whole European economy.”[xxi]

Antwerp, “held a position such as [has] never been held before or since by any other town…this cosmopolitan city controlled exclusively the money market of the known world, and the whole varied interchange of goods and wealth. Every nation had its concessions within its walls, every important loan in Europe was negotiated here.”[xxii] It was in 16^th century Antwerp that the Fugger family made their fortunes in trading world commodities – reputedly at 50% net profits over the course of fifteen years.[xxiii] It was in Antwerp too that the Portuguese king sold the spices that his ships brought back from India with a return of more than 50x.[xxiv] It was a place where cultures mingled, fortunes were made, and ideas allowed to percolate. In other words, sixteenth-century Antwerp was the New York City of its day.

Within the seventeen provinces of the Low Countries, Antwerp’s position was also pre-eminent. The Belgicist historian Henri Pirenne (no fan of things from Flanders and Brabant) observed that “’The Netherlands, are the suburb of Antwerp’”.[xxv] While the rest of the world is “its [Antwerp’s] periphery.”[xxvi] Flanders and Brabant were urbanized and prosperous; the rest of the seventeen provinces of the Netherlands (at this time) were, by comparison, backwaters.[xxvii] Innovations and connections for the entire “Low Countries” [modern-day Belgium, Netherlands, Luxemburg and northern France] radiated out from this critical hub; resources – whether people or materiel – were pulled to its marketplaces.

Antwerp’s Émigrés 

Despite their attachment to material success, the Flemish did not neglect the spiritual. As suggested above, during the first decade of the “Dutch Revolt” the impetus for the movement came out of Flanders and Brabant. Such momentum for the Revolt quickly concentrated in the primary cities: Gent, Brugge, and Antwerp. Of these cities, in the fight against Spain, Antwerp was the most important.

After a confusing series of twists (which are not central to our story) religious and linguistic divisions among the inhabitants of the Low Countries assisted the Spanish military’s reconquest of their wealthiest dominion. From the late 1570s the Spanish reduction of Flanders proceeded with steady success. Town after town fell. Up until the mid/late 1580s, the “final redoubt” of the “Dutch Revolt” was Antwerp.[xxviii] It was here that the Prince of Orange for a time made his headquarters and it was at Antwerp that the Prince’s spymaster, Philip Marnix, a native of Brussels, ruled until 1585 as Antwerp’s Burgemeester (mayor).[xxix]

In 1585 the Spanish armies finally stormed and took Antwerp after a three year siege. Resident merchants – Protestant as well as Catholic – sought safer refuge. Some families again went back to southeastern England, coastal France or western Germany (especially Cologne). Many more – sometimes via a circuitous path – left for the pockets of liberated territory in the “North.” They swarmed cities like Amsterdam, Haarlem, Middleburg, and Leiden. In some places the Flemish and Brabander “exodus” swamped the locally-born population, altering customs and dialects.[xxx]

But these exiles were not (for the most part) impoverished illiterates. They were, by and large, as one historian called them, “men of the greatest distinction in their chosen fields.”[xxxi] They retained their influence while in exile. “The [Flemish] exiles were very numerous and enterprising. An astonishingly large number of the men eminent in this generation in Holland and Zealand came thither from the southern provinces. [Cornelis] Aerssens, the secretary of the States General, his son [Frans], the ambassador at Paris[xxxii], [Francois] Caron the ambassador in England, [Nicasius] de Sille the pensionary of Amsterdam[xxxiii], Justus Lipsius[xxxiv], [Franciscus] Gomarus the leader of the [Calvinist] orthodox, [Petrus] Plancius the geographer, [Emanuel] van Meteren [xxxv] the historian [and Dutch Consul at London], Judocus and Hendrik Hondius the engravers, Balthazar de Moucheron, Isaac and Jacob Le Maire, [Samuel] Godyn [and Samuel Blommaert] and [Johannes] de Laet – all these were natives of the region now called Belgium.”[xxxvi] By no means is this list exhaustive: it is only a sampling of a few of the prominent men of the “Dutch Golden Age” who came from Flanders.

Regardless of their numbers or the fact that they kept status in the North, it still was not home. These Flemish Protestant exiles wanted their ancestral homes back and they would not rest until they had made that happen. Pre-empting Douglas MacArthur nearly 400 years later (“I shall return!”), Philip Marnix, the Brussels-born former Burgemeester of Antwerp and a close confidant of Prince William of Orange, offered a plaintive vow to those in Spanish-occupied Flanders and Brabant before he died in 1598: “Hoe cond ik U mijn broeders oyt vergheten?” [How could I forget you, My Brothers?].[xxxvii] As one historian observed: “In 1600…the hope of recapturing Flanders still lingered in the hearts of her refugees.”[xxxviii]

From Antwerp to Amsterdam

As we have seen, up until 1585, Antwerp was the pre-eminent city in not only Flanders but also the Netherlands. Up until 1585 80% of all exports from the entire Netherlands shipped through Antwerp.[xxxix] With the destruction and reduction of not only Antwerp but the rest of Flanders, artisans and merchants were forced to flee. It was not logical for these Antwerp merchants to chose Amsterdam: it had neither the best harbor (poorly accessible) nor industry, nor surplus capital.[xl] However, those same features made the city physically defensible and hospitable to those who brought industry, connections and capital.

In the years after 1585, Amsterdam experienced a “huge influx of young merchants and entrepreneurs” from Antwerp.[xli] This influx included young merchant-entrepeneur émigrés from such prominent Antwerp families as the Bartholotti, Coymans, Godijn, Van Os, Sautijn, de Schot, and de Vogelaer. These families (and other less prominent families from the South) converted Amsterdam from a place notable only for buying wainscoting in the 1560s[xlii] to the dominant center for shipping, commodities and capital by the early 1600s.[xliii] All these families came to play a significant role in overseas trade – especially through the V.O.C. (established in 1602).

The V.O.C.– Vereinigde Oost-Indische Compagnie, or Dutch East India Company – “served as a model for the establishment of [trading] companies in other countries”, which underscores its importance to history.[xliv] By the time of the founding of the W.I.C. in 1621, they had not only turned the V.O.C. into one of the most profitable companies in history[xlv], they had become the merchant-elite of Amsterdam.[xlvi] As such, these émigré merchants of Antwerp played a dominant role in the Discovery and Settlement of America.

The influx of Antwerp merchant-entrepeneuers, had a profound impact on Amsterdam and its relations with the outside world. The Flemish émigrés’ capital and connections, enabled Amsterdam, by the end of the 16^th century, to dominate not only culture, language and customs, but also overseas trade and diplomacy for the entire Dutch Republic.[xlvii] In the words of the 19^th century U.S. Ambassador to the U.S. (and trailblazing Henry Hudson scholar), Henry Cruse Murphy, “A large portion of this new impulse [for foreign trade and exploration by the “Dutch”] was due to that element of the population which had emigrated from Antwerp and other commercial and trading cities of the Spanish Netherlands, refugees for conscience sake; to whom, indeed, much more of the maritime greatness and prosperity of the United Provinces are to be attributed than has generally been conceded.”[xlviii]

Surprisingly, despite the influx, ‘Zuidnederlanders’ were only 11% of the merchants in Amsterdam in 1585. But by 1610 were fully 1/3 of all Amsterdam merchants. By 1630 that percentage had slipped back so that only 1/5 of all Amsterdam merchants could be identified as ‘Zuidnederlanders’.[xlix] Nevertheless, the Flemish émigrés remained a potent component in Amsterdam well into the remainder of the Dutch Republic’s “Golden Century”.

The “Originator” of the West India Company

One of these Flemish merchant-entrepeneur émigrés became the “Originator” of the W.I.C. His name was Willem Usselinckx. According to Emanuel Van Meteren (a confidant of William, the Prince of Orange[l]), and like Usselinckx, a fellow Protestant refugee from Antwerp, Willem Usselinckx was “a man well informed of trade and conditions in the West Indies.”[li]

That knowledge of Iberian America and the sources of its wealth there were to become a cornerstone of the founding of the W.I.C. Johannes de Laet,[lii] an Antwerpenaar and the unofficial historian of the W.I.C., began his 1644 edition of the Jaerlijck Verhael, with a rationale for the existence of the Company. In his words, the King of Spain (Philip II until 1598 and his successors thereafter), was the greatest power in Christendom and indeed the whole world. Yet he had set the power and might of this kingdom – derived from the wealth of the Americas – against the United Provinces of the Netherlands (by which he meant modern-day Belgium and the Netherlands). De Laet concludes his opening address by stating that, “the entire world knows the great amounts of gold and silver carted out [of America] yearly.”[liii] Ergo, steal the Spanish king’s gold and silver treasure fleets and one can cripple his ability to make war against the Dutch-speaking peoples.

Willem Usselinckx had an idea, a vision. His concept was rooted in experience and offered a solution that might defeat the Spain and eject her armies from Flanders. “According to the plan [that Willem Usselinckx devised], the Dutch [speaking] colonists [in America] would convert the Indians to Calvinism, arm them,….and initiate them in[to] the techniques of modern warfare.”[liv]

Usselinckx first got the idea of establishing the W.I.C. when he as a young factor (merchant) in the Azores, Portugal, and Spain. More importantly, since the Azores were a “service depot” for Spain’s returning treasure fleet from the Americas, Usselinckx observed the paths of the Spanish treasure galleons and watched them unload chests of sugar, bullion, and slaves at Spain’s port in Seville.[lv] Chock full of gold and silver extracted at great human cost from the mines at Potosi, Peru and in Mexico, it was not difficult for a fervent Calvinist like Usselinckx to see that the Achilles heel of his homeland’s “erf-viand” (arch-enemy), Roman Catholic Spain, was the shipment of bullion across these vast, open seas in large, unwieldy Spanish galleons.

When Willem Usselinckx finally did return to the Netherlands, in about 1591, he was a very rich man.[lvi] He was also described as a man who was, “Intelligent and well-spoken… a devout Calvinist and hater of the Spanish monarchy” whose life-long obsession was to undermine the Spanish position in the Americas.[lvii] These attributes enabled Usselinckx to be taken seriously by other, unyielding Protestants from Flanders such as Petrus Plancius. It was at this time [the early 1590s] that Usselinckx first began advocating for a West India Company.[lviii] But while Usselinckx had the vision, the passion, and the energy, he needed the assistance of others to make this vision a reality.

One of those able to take this vision to the next level was Petrus Plancius. Plancius, a native of Dranoutre (near Ieper/Ypres in West Flanders), was a fiery theologian whose beliefs are best described as ‘old school’ Calvinist. Plancius was also a well-respected cartographer with practical experience as an investor in trading voyages to Africa and Asia. Plancius later became an investor in the V.O.C. (Vereenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie – the “Dutch” East India Company) and, until his death in 1616, supplied all of the charts and maps used by the V.O.C. In this capacity Plancius supplied the charts that Henry Hudson used to sail to New York in 1609.[lix] But most importantly for our story here, Plancius came to know Willem Usselinckx early – certainly no later than 1600[lx]– and believed in Usselinckx’ vision.

The Role of Radical Calvinism

Besides his cartographic knowledge and his adherence to Usselinckx’ plan for a West India Company, Petrus Plancius brought other attributes to the table. Plancius was a well-respected theologian at a time when theologians of the right stripe mattered. He had also invested in and made money from far-reaching trading voyages.[lxi] Critically for this story he also was well connected to other influential men in the Dutch Republic. One of these influential men was the Councilor of the High Court, Francois Franeken. The scholar and jusrist believed in this project and sought to promote it at the highest levels. Franeken “saw in a West India Company an excellent tool with which to fight Spain in the New World.”[lxii] Collectively these men, and other Flemish Calvinists like them, saw a win-win scenario. The establishment of a W.I.C. could offer a chance for the United Provinces to reclaim Flanders from Spain, end the war, achieve great wealth, and spread the gospel according to Calvin.

However, not everyone believed in the mission to recover Flanders from the Spanish and spread the war to new territories. Often, those who did not believe in this were humanist Protestants. They also tended to not be exiles, rather they came from among the residual landed elites of Holland and other northern Netherlands provinces. As a Dutch historian put it, they were “humanistic Calvinist[s]…too lukewarm to be martyrs, too honest to be hypocrites.”[lxiii]

This segment of society, because they had at one time printed a “Remonstrance” against the predestination theology of the Flemish refugees, were called “Remonstrants”.[lxiv] Their opponents, dominated by the émigré merchant-entrepeneurs overwhelmingly from Antwerp, were naturally called “Counter-Remonstrants”. Since as one historian points out, “the W.I.C. was the creation of the Counter-Remonstrants,” it is important that we understand the religious issues.[lxv]

At the risk of overly simplifying a complicated theological debate, the Remonstrants were Dutch humanists[lxvi] who believed that every person had free will. One's salvation was a matter of making the right choices, so an individual could either accept or reject God’s offer of salvation. The Counter-Remonstrants, on the other hand, believed that God’s omniscience cannot be limited. Since He knows all things and stands outside history (as it were) He already knows who the chosen few are. In other words, history unfolds as part of His plan, and those granted salvation were known to Him since before time. A concept many refer to as “Predestination”.

The debate between these two groups of Protestant theologians spilled over from the academic to the political. Generally speaking, those theologians who believed in free will (the Remonstrants or “Arminians” – after the Remonstrants’ Dutch leader) became closely identified with the “peace party” in politics. They saw more value in trade and accommodation with Spain than in unrelenting warfare. Their most prominent political supporter was Johannes Oldenbarnevelt.

The Counter-Remonstrants (or “Gomarists”, after their West Flemish leader, Franciscus Gomarus), became strongly identified in Dutch Republic politics with the “war party”. Their most prominent national advocate (besides Gomarus himself) was the son of the Prince of Orange, the Stadhouder Maurice, Captain-General of the army.

Both Arminians and Gomarists believed that these tensions between the two theological camps could only be resolved through a conclave of leading Protestant theologians. The Arminians began calling for a synod in 1610 which finally convened for six months in 1618-1619 at Dordrecht. While officially theological in nature, it was presided over by the United Provinces’ ruling body, the States General. Flemish attendees included the enterprising polymath Johannes De Laet of Antwerp as well as the relentless Petrus Plancius.

There were several important outcomes of the Synod. First, the Contra-Remonstrants under the Bruggeling Franciscus Gomarus were victorious. The Arminians were chased from pulpits in the Netherlands and scattered. The Gomarists’ interpretation of Scripture (making Predestination a central pillar of the Dutch Reformed Church) was deemed the correct one (and is today generally called the Belgic Confession). Second, a committee of 6 Hebrew/Greek scholars – three for the Old Testament and three for the New Testament – was appointed to preside over a new translation of the Bible (to correct what were perceived to be the Lutheran tilt of the first Dutch-language Bible printed at Antwerp in 1526).

This new Bible was to be the standard for the Dutch Reformed Church until the 20^th century. At least half of these scholars – William Baudartius of Deinze, and Gerson Bucerus on the Old Testament; and the Gentenaar Antonius De Waele on the New Testament – were Flemings.[lxvii]Overseeing the entire effort were two others whom today we would call Flemings: The Antwerpenaar Anthonius Thysius and the Bruggeling Hermannus Faukelius[lxviii]. Later editing and revisions of these initial translators was tightly controlled by Franciscus Gomarus. Gomarus’ Contra-Remonstrant team included Gomarus, Thysius, Sebastian Damman of Antwerp and the sons of two Flemish immigrants: Joos Larenus (=Van Laren), and Johannes Polyander van Kerckhoven.[lxix] The Bible translation and editing project consumed the attention of these scholars until 1635. Upon completion, half a million Bibles were printed and disseminated throughout the Netherlands and its overseas settlements – including New Netherland of course.

Protestant Christian theology was not the only area impacted by the Flemings who controlled the Synod of Dordrecht. The political implications of the Synod were far-reaching too. The Arminians’ loss of influence in the theological debate was matched by the Peace-Party’s loss of political power. The Synod concluded May 9, 1619. Four days later (May 13^th) Johannes Oldenbarnevelt, the Pensionary of Holland who in the interests of the 12 Year Truce with Spain (1609-1621) had quashed efforts in 1606-1609 to set up the W.I.C., was beheaded.[lxx]

The way was now open for the Republic to resume a war footing. And, as part of that effort, a quasi-military company was needed that would take the fight to Spain’s rich New World settlements. In the words of one historian of the W.I.C.: “The establishment of the [Dutch] West India Company resulted from a mixture of political and economic objectives, but its development was determined chiefly by political events and motives.”[lxxi]

 

 

Endnotes